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ADDRESS 



BY 



\ 



REV. JOSEPH G. SYlMES.x 



AT CR AN BURY, N. J. 



JUNE I, 1865. 



X 



"TO WHAT PURPOSE IS THIS WASTE?" 



ADDRESS 

DELIVERED BEFOKR THE 

Loyal Lea&xjes 

OF 

SOUTH-BRUNSWICK AND MONROE, 

JUNE I, 1865, 

BY 

REV. JOSEPH G. SYMMES, 

Pastor First Presbyterian Church, 

CRANBURY, N. J. 



Published by Request of the Leagues. 



NEW-BBU^f SWICK, W. J. : 

PRINTED AT THE FREDONIAN BOOK AND JOB OFFICE, 

AUGUST, 1SG5. 






^U^^^ 
l^^^ 



CORRESPONDENCE. 



Cranbury, N. J., June 1. 18G5. 
Ili;v. J. G. Symmes, — 

Dear Sir : 

Having listened with pleasure to the discourse 

delivered b}'' j-'ou to-da}^ we have been appointed a Committee, by 

the South-Brunswick and Monroe Union League Councils, to request 

a copy for publication. 

Aaron Dean, 
Robert Vanderbergh, 

R. G. ISHAM, 

Comriiittee. 



Cranbury, N. J., June G. 1865. 
Messrs. Dean, Vanderbergh & Isham, — 
Dear Sirs : 

A discourse, once delivered in public, is, 
to some extent, public property, and in this case I do not know of 
any reason for refusing your request. 

Yours, truly, 

J. G. Symmes. 



A.D33RESS. 



GENTLEMEN OF THE LOYAL LEAGUE COUNCILS OF SOUTU-BRUNSWICK 
AND MONROE : 

In appearing to comply with your invitation to address 
you on this occasion, I ask the privilege of referring to 
myself so far as will allow me to thank you for the honor 
you have conferred upon me. There certainly can be no 
higher object of human ambition than to secure and enjoy 
the good opinion of those who have been the steadfast 
friends of their country and of freedom during times of 
trial. And it will ever be one of the proudest recollections 
of my life that such men have looked upon my course, 
during four years of doubt and darkness, with so much 
approbation as to deem me worthy of the invitation in re- 
sponse to which I appear before you. It is certainly right 
and appropriate for you to appear here in a body to show 
your compliance with the call of the living President, and 
to testify your respect for the memory of the dead Presi- 
dent. No man nor body of men has a better right. But 
you do not expect me to address you as Loyal Leagues, but 
as citizens. I understand your invitation simply as calling 
me to speak, and hence I shall address my remarks to all 
before me. The circumstances under which we assemble 
to-day afford a striking illustration of the nature of human 
life. Our whole life is a scene wherein the emotions of joy 
and sadness strangely commingle. And never has this been 
more strangely true than to-day. Had our martyred 
President lived we should, no doubt, have been called 



6 

together ere this to rejoice over the giorious and triumphant 
termination of the war that for four years has drenched 
the land in blood. IS^ow while it is mete we should fejoice, 
our joy must be chastened with sorrow that he, who had 
been the chosen instrument of God to destroy a foul rebel- 
lion, should himself be its last victim. But as for our- 
selves we must say that it is neither inappropriate nor 
unprofitable that in the song of our triumph should mingle 
the funeral dirge. Yes ! it was best for us that, in the 
very moment when from all our broad land was going up 
one glad, frantic shout of victory, there should come a 
shock that taught us, on the one hand, that Grod reigns^ 
that in him is our trust, and that to him belongs the 
praise ; and on the other, that "eternal vigilance is the 
))rice of liberty.'' We are here, then, for the double and 
not conflicting objects of giving thanks for victory, and of 
humbling ourselves in sorrow before the Lord of Hosts. 
Never have any people had greater reasons for thanks- 
giving. For never have any people received more striking 
exhibitions of Providential care. With joy Vv^e recognize, 
yet can scarcely realize, that the war is ended. While 
malignant critics were putting forth their dolorous utter- 
ances about the war passing into its second and more diffi- 
cult phase, it suddenly ceases. Few foreigners can under- 
stand that a guerrilla warfare in this country can only 
injure those who practice it, and will simply compel the 
Government to made a cleaner sweep of the disloyal ele- 
ment from the land. As the sun breaks forth after the 
thunder storm has passed away, so the sun of peace bursts 
upon our bleeding land, almost before the thunders of war 
have died away around the defences of Petersburgh. And 
the mouths of April and May, 1865, will stand forever in 
history as the most eventful in the annals of time. The 
General and the army on whom hung the hopes of the 
rebellion are beaten and scattered in a desperate and final 



contest ; and speedily they throw down their arms on 
terms such as never conquerors granted to conquered 
rebels. The fragments, which had been swept before the 
avenging legions of the Uniou, through Georgia and South 
Carolina, are gathered into one mass only to surrender 
together to a power it was but madness longer to resist. 
The wrecks of insurgent armies all over the land hasten to 
follow this wholesome example. Until now there only 
remains a speck of war in the far distance, which will vanish 
when the flag of the free appears in sight.* The blood- 
stained representative of rebel power in March is proudly 
defiant ; in April is a fugitive and vagabond with none to 
do him reverence ; in May is a captive in the hands of the 
Grovernment he tried so desperately to destroy. Vessels on 
the high seas claiming to be Confederate States vessels of 
war are treated with all hospitality in foreign ports in 
April ; in May are declared pirates, which all nations are 
warned not to harbor, and that by a power which Avill not 
court a war but which is now free to sustain her declara- 
tions — declarations which all nations will hasten to respect. 
On the other hand during these eventful months we see a 
great and magnanimous ruler, towards whom all eyes were 
turned in fear or respect, hastening joyfully to apply means 
to heal the wounded, bleeding land, suddenly stricken down 
from his high position, lamented by all the virtuous of 
of mankind. The Avhole land is clothed in sackcloth ; and 
partisan supporters and political opponents vie with each 
other in manifestations of sorrow over the fallen leader. 
And as the slow and solemn funeral march proceeds from 
city to city bearing the honored remains, the millions of our 
own land follow to the grave, and all the nations of the 
earth unite to pay funeral lienors such as mortal never 
enjoyed. And while this unparalleled pageant is progress- 

* Since that vras -n'rittcu wo have the news that the last armed rebel has thrown down 
his arms, and Peace reigns from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Lakes to the Gulf. 



8 

ing a spectacle most amazing to monarchists is presented ; 
the constitutional successor quietly assumes the reins, and 
the Government moves forward as if nothing had occurred. 
Strangely enough, too, almost the first act of that succes- 
sor is to blow the trumpet of recall to the conquering 
heroes of many a hard-fought field. And our victorious 
soldiers are permitted to pass, in triumj^hal march, through 
the city which represented all they had toiled and 
fought for, to be welcomed not only by on-lookers, but also 
by the whole land their valor and endurance had saved. 
In March more than half our coast was in a state of block- 
ade, and trade was stagnant throughout half the land ; in 
May our ports are thrown open to the commerce of the 
world, and trade begins to flow through all the arteries of 
the land. Quickly the happy hum of peaceful pursuits 
will be heard where but yesterday armed hosts met in 
terrible conflict. 

Such a chapter as this is not likely very soon to be 
added to history. It is a grand privilege to be permitted 
to live while such a chapter of history was being enacted. 
Our joy would, perhaps, have been too self-glorifying and 
forgetful of God had he not permitted a terrible chastise- 
ment to be inflicted upon us by the hand of wicked men. 
And it is well for us to mingle tears for our fallen leader 
with our rejoicings. For God has permitted it, and he 
had both a cause and a purpose in doing so. Our sins had 
deserved the chastening, and for them we should bow, in 
humble penitence, before God. The purpose was, doubt- 
less, double ; it was to chasten us, and make us more fit 
for the great work God has for us to do ; and it was 
ordained of God that traitors might not escape the 
penalty of outraged law. Never did a people more sin- 
cerely or more appropriately mourn a fallen leader. Of 
that leader I have already, in the hearing of most of you, 
spoken so fully that I need not noAv to offer more than one 



9 

remark. It is this, Abraham Lincoln was one of the best 
representative men this country ever produced. I mean 
in this particuhxr view, he was the best representative 
illustration of the advantages and opportunities of repub- 
lican institutions. Such a man is an impossibility in a 
monarchy, or an aristocracy. Born in poverty, schooled in 
adversity, and self-taught, he began at the foot of the 
ladder and reached the top. And we say of him not that 
he was a great man but that he was a good man. Or 
rather we should say that he was great because he was 
good. He was honest, faithful, true, unselfish. God-fearing, 
and eminently a man of common sense. And these quali- 
ties make his measure of goodness attainable by every 
man among us, and his greatness possible for every man. 
Lords and Princes are deemed to hold a position and exer- 
cise rights by virtue of their birth which are utterlj^ un- 
attainable by other men. Here no circumstances of birth 
or of condition bar the pathway to any position. Of this 
we have had one striking example. And it is a most 
remarkable and Providential fact that we have another 
example in his successor. A man of lofty patriotism, of 
indomitable will, and of sterling honesty, from the hum- 
blest ranks of the people, now occupies one of the most 
conspicuous and powerful positions in the world. Trained 
in the school of Jackson, he has already proved himself a 
noble representative of the stern policy of that sterling 
patriot. It is a matter for thankfulness that one man from 
the people crushed the effort to destroy their Government ; 
and another man from the people has now the task of 
restoring the influence of their Government all over the 
land. And now we can say, although it is not every man 
that can reach the Presidential office, every man may 
deserve to be President. 

But now I must hasten on to the subject which I shall 
propose for your consideration to-day. It is suggested by 



10 

ii piece of history recorded in the 26th chapter of Mat- 
thew. One week before his death Christ came to Bethany, 
the town of Lazarus, who had been raised from the dead. 
There lived one Simon, whom Jesus had healed of leprosy, 
and who now received the Saviour, and entertained him at 
a great feast. While seated at the table there came a 
woman, named Mary, having " an alabaster box of very 
precious ointment." She broke the seal, and pioured the 
ointment on the head of Jesus, and also on his feet. Then, 
as a mark of her great love, she wiped his feet with the 
hair of her head. The guests looked on in silence, enjoy- 
ing the grateful fragrance that filled the room. But one 
man there whispered to his neighbor, and he to the next, 
until a spirit of disapprobation manifested itself all around 
the table. Then Judas undertook to express the discon- 
tent he had excited by saying, " to luhat i^uvpose is this 
loaste ? '.rhis ointment might have been sold for much, 
and given to the poor." The historian adds that Judas 
said this, not because he cared for the })Oor, but because he 
had the bag, and handled the money. His assertion v/as 
that here was great expenditure, and that it was wasted ; 
and he proposed a very charitable object for the money. 
Covering a purely selfish desire with a charitable proposi- 
tion. His hypocrisy was evidenced by the fact that he 
complained not of the cost of the supper, which was, no 
doubt, greater than that of Mary's box. That was j^roper 
because he partook of the supper. But Christ now replied. 
He admitted the expenditure was great, and he approved 
of charity to the poor. But he took issue with Judas on 
one point, — loas the expenditure -proper ? Judas called it 
waste ; Christ called it a proper use of the money. One 
reason for this was that the poor are always here, and can 
be assisted at any time. But his stay Avas now short, 
and whatever was done for him must be done quickly. 
The main reason was that this anointinir was for his burial. 



11 

His dccath was under sucli circuinstance;^ that his friends 
had no oppovtunit)^ to perform this act. The act of Mary, 
then, was highly commendahle ; and this use of precious 
material in the highest degree appropriate. And here v/e 
have contrasted the sacrifice which love laid at the feet of 
her Lord ; and unbelief, hypocrisy and treason fmdln<j 
fault with love's sacrifice. And I ask your attention to the 
same contrast as presented hy our country. Love's sacri- 
fice for that country ; and unbelief, hypocrisy and treason 
finding fault with that sacrifice. 

In the war which is now closed there has been very great 
and unusual expenditure. And first of all we must name 
the lives that have been sacrificed, and the sufierings in 
consequence. At the call of our country hundreds of 
thousands of our fellow-citizens went forth to fight her 
battles. And of these, multitudes will never return. They 
fell upon the field of battle, and comrades sent their bodies 
home, or buried them where they fell. Sick or wounded 
they were carried to the hospitals, to be carried thence to 
their graves. They were lost to sight where the conflict 
raged fiercely, and fiilling where no friendly eye saw them, 
the only record we have is "fAe?/ are missing J' Or v/orse, 
they fell into the hands of those who, having committed 
treason, were preparedfor any crime, however fiendish, and 
there, under a treatment the most cruel that malignant 
ingenuity could devise, they languished and died by thou- 
sands, or tottered home to die of the effects of such treat- 
ment before our eyes. And these were not the scum and 
oifscouring of the land as many affirm. They were hus- 
bands and fiithers, brothers and sons, friends and lovers. 
They went from our churches, our counting-rooms and 
workshops, our manufiictories and farms, from all positions 
and occupations of life. Their families have lost them, and 
their country has lost them. Their value was fully up to 
the average value of those left at home, and in many 



12 

respects above that average. And their loss will be felt 
tliroiigli tlie many years they might have lived. But this 
is not the whole story. What through following the camp, 
or waiting on the battle-field and in the hospital, or watch- 
ing with broken hearts for footsteps that never return, per- 
haps an equal multitude have gone down to the grave. 
"Whatever may be the estimated number of those who have 
lost their lives directly by this war, it can never be known 
how many liave gone to the grave by causes growing out of 
the war. And last of all in this list of precious lives, per- 
haps the very last victim actually stricken down by the 
foul spirit of rebellion, must be mentioned the President 
whom none loved better than the true and loyal soldier. 
Here was an expenditure that cannot be estimated by any 
of our standards of value. And we must not forget to 
mention the toils and hardships endured by our brave 
soldiers, in camp and hospital, in the march, the seige, the 
battle, and who have returned to us. May it be to spend 
a long life in the enjoyment of the proud and increasing 
honors that will be rendered to the soldiers of the republic 
If I envy any man his earthly honor it is that of having 
fought under Grant or Thomas, Sheridan or Sherman. 
And let this country never cease to remember the suffer- 
ings of which the world takes too little notice, that of 
wives and sisters, lovers and friends, of those whose pecu- 
liar lot seems to be to love and to suffer. If these were 
times that tried men's souls, they peculiarly tried women's 
hearts. But this was not all. A mountain of debt has 
been piled upon the land ; a debt which, though it bear a 
small proportion to the wealth of the country, will yet be 
a great burden for a generation. But this is only a small 
part of our material expenditure. The industry of the 
land has been shaped to supply the wastes of war rather 
than to minister to the wants of peace. Our commerce 
had well-nigh been swept from the ocean. And in ruined 



13 

cities and desolated lands, in animals and munitions of 
war that have perished, countless millions have gone down 
in the all-devouring vortex. There are some, no doubt, 
who look more on this loss than on the lives sacrificed. 
But the life of the humblest Union soldier was worth more 
than all this treasure. But there is no dispute that there 
has been an expenditure of incalculable value in these 
lives and treasures. The question in dispute is, tvas all 
this treasui'e i^roperly expended ? — in other words was the 
object worthy of such an expenditure. Some say nay : — 
we say, emphatically, yea. 

I. Not a few among us have been continually asking, " to 
what purpose is this waste ?" And in order to answer the 
question properly we must consider, for a moment, who 
they are that ask it, and what are the reasons they urge 
for implying that all this has been wasted, for the question 
imphes this. 

1. I would mention first in this category the ignorant 
partisans and stubborn grumblers of the land. There are 
some men who are constitutional grumblers, — I mean that 
have this natural disposition. It may be their misfortune 
to have such a nature, but it is their fault that they have 
indulged it so much that they must have something to 
grumble about. It seems to be as necessary to them as 
their daily food. And whoever or whatever happens to dis- 
please them that is the object upon which their disposition 
vents itself. They are too narrow-minded to comprehend 
a worthy object, and too ignorant to understand the true 
value of anything that requires a sacrifice. Such men can- 
not see that such a country as this is worth any sacrifice, 
and so their small burdens are considered insufferable. 
Then there are men who have always proudly called them- 
selves by certain party names. Far be it from me to find 
fault with men who cling to principles. But the men I 
speak of are too ignorant to understand the principles of a 



14 

party. And hcnco they follow whoever may lead, wher- 
ever they go, if only they bear the old name. Theij cannot 
distinguish between the past history of a noble service and 
the present teachings of false leaders. And so we find that 
the party, whose idolized leader thirty years ago crushed 
the serpent of secession in the egg, in our time is betrayed 
into nurturing that serpent into vigorous life. You can- 
not argue with the ignorance that cannot or will not under- 
stand this. It is that kind of folly of which Solomon 
speaks when he says " though thou shouldest bray a fool in 
a mortar among wheat with a pestle yet will not his fool- 
ishness depart from him." 

2. There are others who say "to what purpose is all this 
waste ?" who, claiming to be true and loyal, yet maintain 
that compromise would have settled all oUr difiSculties. I 
have no doubt there are many honest men who think this, 
and yet are as true well-wishers of their country as any of 
us. I have no jDatience with the man or party that claims 
all the virtue in the world. But what shall we say to these 
well-meaning men who advocated compromise ? In the 
first place not one of them can possibly name the compro- 
mise that would have satisfied southern leaders. They 
may know this from the one fact that they cannot them- 
selves agree to any comjDromise they would have offered. 
The effort was honestly, earnestly, strenuously made to find 
some such mode of escape from war. And made by all par- 
ties. And hence we say that war could not have thus been 
avoided. The question between us and those who take the 
affirmative is simply one of facts. So we must make our 
affirmation, and leave the decision to history. I affirm, 
then, that two things have been already fully established 
as facts : one is that, in all their speeches, their newspa- 
pers, and their public documents, the rebel leaders disdain- 
fully scorned all mention of the word compromise. Anoth- 
er fact is that no compromise could have been adopted that 



15 

would not have made this Government and country not 
worth saving ; none but would have made it a stench and 
a curse to the human race. And history will more and 
more than verify these assertions. 

3. Another class of those who say " to what purpose is 
this waste ?" are those who believe that the South was 
right and we wrong in the contest ; who rejoiced in 
every Union defeat and rebel triumph. Of course, if their 
premise is right their conclusion is inevitable, all this treas- 
ure was worse than wasted. You can all testify that I 
have charity enough to believe that there are few such men 
among us. With such I have no argument. They are the 
most despicable men on the face of the earth. They had 
meanness enough to stay where they enjoyed the protection 
of the Government they wished to see destroyed ; and tbey 
had not principle enough togotu the help of the cause they 
approved. This is the true picture of your genuine copper- 
head. And I have too much respect for the human race 
to believe there are many such men. Certainly I would 
apply the name to no man or party. Let those claim it 
who admire it. 

4. Another class who cry " to what purpose is this 
waste ?" are the Judas politicians. When Judas ate of 
the supper the cost was all right, when he could only smell 
the fragrance of the ointment it was great waste. So these 
men, if they could share the spoils of office the cost would 
be all right. But as they cannot they suddenly become 
very liumane, charitable and religious. And what with 
great hue and cry they succeeded in deceiving many honest 
people as to the cost and necessity of the war. Cut their 
patriotism and humanity, like the charity of Judas, is very 
suspicious. And truth requires us to say that, no doubt, 
many in office have sustained the war only for the spoils. 
I would not assume to advise parties, but I do advise good 
and true men to see to it that such men are left at home. 



16 

Follow no political leader, whatever his name or professions, 
who has not a well-estahlisheJ character for honesty and 
truth. 

5. Perhaps I ought to mention that some others will 
contend that the war was too protracted, and therefore cost 
more than was necessary. We all admit that. But some 
say that we have not really had war in earnest for more than 
eighteen months. Others, that the early policy would have 
succeeded if it had only been followed up. But I say, you 
will generally find that those who complain most of the 
cost are men who were opposed to war altogether. It 
might easily be shown, did time permit, that our Grovern- 
ment conducted the war with as much rapidity and energy 
as was possible under all the circumstances. 

II. But I must hasten on to say that the great mass o 
the intelligent people of the loyal States appreciated the 
necessity for the war, and saw an object in it worthy of all 
the cost, yea^ and a thousand times more than it has cost. 
And when I say the great mass of our people saw this, I do 
not refer to any party. Multitudes voted against the party 
in power, not because they were opposed to the war, but 
because they thought a change would hasten its victory. 
If you take away all the honest, loyal, patriotic, intelligent 
men of all parties, you will have the mass who saw the ne- 
cessity for war ; and you will leave the ignorant, malicious, 
rebel sympathisers who were opposed to the war on any 
and all grounds. I am not here, then, to speak for any 
party. Nor yet am I here to defend the mode in which 
the war was conducted, although I believe that, taken al- 
together, history will show more and more clearly the wis- 
dom and efficiency of that method. But I am here to an- 
swer for all loyal men that this precious treasure was expen- 
ded for an object worthy of it all. The cost has been well 
bestowed. 

1. First and foremost of all objects, an object, indeed, 



17 

including all others ; allow me to say that this expenditure 
was to save our Government. The Southern people took 
up arms not to preserve their rights. With both houses 
of Congress and the Supreme Court in their interests their 
rights iu the Union were perfectly secure. But this was 
not even their pretence. The rights for which they ap- 
pealed to arms were rights outside the Union ; the right 
to divide the country, the right to overturn the Govern- 
ment our fathers framed. And it was in doing such work 
as this that they continually cried " let us alone." It would 
only be wasting breath to set forth the proofs that the 
object of the rebels was to divide the country, and set up 
another Government within its limits. No one disputes 
that. But some may dispute that their success would have 
destroyed our Government. There may be some who be- 
lieve that even then our Government could have been con- 
tinued. But what would have been rebel success ? The 
whole territory south of the Ohio River and the southern 
boundary of Pennsylvania would have gone. The seat of 
our Government would have had to be removed from 
Washington. And where would it have gone ? That 
question opens up a picture of chaos from which no mortal 
could conjecture what would have come. Certain it is that 
the one division accomplished and submitted to would have 
made others both necessary and inevitable. We had to be 
one country, having one destiny, or be shivered to pieces^ 
the fragments forming as many petty nations as there were 
men that could gather strength enough to establish a Gov- 
ernment. And the whole must have been swallowed up by 
some military genius founding an aristocracy or a military 
despotism. But in the midst of the turmoil our free Gov- 
ernment would have perished. For indeed no form of Gov- 
ernment could survive such a turmoil. But this our peo- 
ple resolved, that, by the grace of God, should not come. 
Differing on many points, on this one all loyal people were 
united, — tliis nation shall 7iot die. 



18 

It was this, and this only, that gave the party in power 
the astounding and overwhelming majority last fall. 
Whatever men may now declare, this is evident, the people 
understood that they had presented to them national dis- 
honor and death, or national life. They so understood the 
issue, and the result was such as not only to silence the 
malignants, but also to sweep from the land the last ves- 
tige of rebel power within six months after that decision of 
the people. 

But are there any who say that a free Government has 
already perished ? Observe, then, when Abraham Lincoln 
was first elected, though not receiving a majority of votes, 
all loyal men said he shall be sustained, because constitu- 
tionally elected. But for the second term there is no dis- 
puting the majority. So that whatever the present Govern- 
ment may be, it is what the majority have declared for. 
And their right to govern has, we trust, been vindicated 
for all time. It is not a free country where the minority 
govern. They must submit. And that submission shall 
be rendered to the officer who receives the majority of 
votes, be he the Governor of this tState or the President of 
the United States. And if there are any discontented 
persons, of any party, who feel that it is not a free country 
except where the minority govern, then we say this country 
will be reconciled to their departure out of it. For this 
people, having expended such vast treasures in establishing 
a Government where the majority shall rule, will never give 
it up. They think that to secure such a boon all this 
treasure has been well, expended. And they point now, 
with no little satisfaction, to the facility and haste with 
which our public servants are restoring the old order and 
working of our governmental affairs. Civil law is again 
taking its place, where military lav/ but yesterday pre- 
vailed, or where rebellion reared its defiant head. Yes! 
our sacrifices and our toils have saved, under the blessing 



19 

of God, the best Government the world ever saw, to be a 
protection and blessing to the generations that are to come 
after us. 

2. This is the all-comprehending object for which this 
expenditure of precious treasure has been made. But in 
this are included many objects which deserve special men- 
tion. Every man might make out a list. But no man 
can name them all in the hour allotted to such a service as 
this. Suffer me to call your attention to a few. One is 
this, — we have preserved free institutions in the world. It 
was not merely for our own national life that we waged 
this terrible war. But we have been fighting the battle of 
true liberty for the world. We do not pretend to the 
credit of expending all this treasure and enduring all this 
suffering for even so grand an object as sustaining the 
cause of struggling humanity. We cannot claim to be so 
philanthropic as that. But God j^laced us in such a posi- 
tion that we must either be craven enough to abandon our 
own free Government to be destroyed, or wage this war to 
preserve it. God gave us the spirit to do the last, and 
crowned our efforts with his blessing. And in doing this 
he used us as the instruments to fight the battle of man- 
kind. Would you have proofs of this ? Look at the posi- 
tion and relations of America. Preserved from the knowl- 
edge and occupation of civilized men until the later ages, 
America was opened up to a wondering world only after 
the great Eeformation had evolved the principles of liberty 
which were to be planted here. And here these principles 
have been cherished, protected and developed by a chain 
of Providences as instructive and remarkable as that which 
brought Israel from Egypt to Canaan. Thus protected 
and blessed we grew into a powerful nation with unex- 
ampled rapidity. We sent forth our representatives into 
all the v/orld, who carried the knowledge of our institutions 
to all people. We became the asylum whither fled those 



20 

that were oppressed in tlieir civil rights, or were persecuted 
for conscience' sake. But all men looked upon our Govern- 
ment simply as an experiment, many hoping to see us fail, 
the multitudes hoping for our success. Thus situated we 
could not avoid exercising a tremendous influence. And 
having now passed through our great final test, the friends 
of liberty will confound their adversaries by pointing to 
our example. It is proved that a free Government can 
suppress a rebellion, as well as repel foreign invasion. 
And here is an argument for those who plead for the 
rights of the people that cannot be answered. 

Another proof that this was the world's battle for liberty 
may be seen in the sympathies of mankind. Every tyrant 
.and despot, every believer in the divine right of kings, 
every narrow-minded, selfish aristocrat, every dealer in the 
bodies and souls of men, all these have longed for the suc- 
cess of the rebellion. On the other hand, every struggling 
patriot, every enlightened and generous statesman, every 
defender of the rights of the many against the few, all 
these have rejoiced in all our successes. And the groaning 
millions have looked to the issue of our struggle as decisive 
of their own destiny. If we had shirked the contest, or 
heen craven enough to give it up before its object was ac- 
<3omplished, then liberty had perished, or had been put 
back for ages. It was the opinion of our wisest men long 
ago that if we failed it would be the last experiment of 
free Government by the people. Let us thank God to-day 
that we have not failed, and that liberty lifts her head with 
Joy throughout the earth. 

3. Very intimately connected with this is another object 
which, we trust, has been secured, and that is freedom of 
conscience, — religious liberty. This was the sacred trea- 
sure which our fathers bore to this wilderness — this was the 
grand principle from which all our privileges have sprung, 
—freedom to loorship God. Here we demand, not that 



21 

the State sliall adopt and clierish any particular religious 
system, but simply that it shall secure equal rights to all 
religious beliefs. No peculiar privileges to any religious 
sect, but ample protection to all in their rights. This 
principle must be jealously guarded, and steadfastly main- 
tained. The violation of it has caused the most horrid suf- 
ferings ever endured by mankind. To maintain it is worth 
all it ever cost, or ever can cost. May our struggle be suflS.- 
cient to establish it for all time. May the price we have paid 
suffice. But it is worth that price, and far more. But it must 
be confessed that here is the greatest source of uneasiness to 
many thoughtful minds. You well know whence the dan- 
ger threatens. It is from the Koman Catholic Church, 
That Church has been steadily pushing her interests, dri- 
ving the Bible from our schools where she has the power ; 
exacting first one and then a greater recognition from the 
civil authorities ; and in every open and secret method 
seeking to strengthen among us the powei- of a foreign po- 
tentate. This is the danger, not religious doctrine, not the 
practice of their religion, but acknowledging the autliority 
of a foreign potentate, whoso power is claimed to be above 
that of this Government, or any other Government- And 
you know the Pope has but recently addressed a letter to 
all the iaithful Romanists throughout the world. This 
letter was carefully prepared ; it accords with the high 
pretensions of the Papacy in ages past ; and it shows the 
Man of Sin gathering up his strength for the great battle, — 
we trust the final battle, — with truth. But now notice 
this, that letter strikes directly at every principle upon 
which our Government is founded. They are all denounced 
as dangerous heresies, against which the faithful are 
warned. Jesuitical sophists may seek to hide the real 
issue and eifect by a pretence at proving that the letter was 
not aimed at these principles. But if it is not, then it has 
no meaning, and can only be regarded as the senseless 



22 

raving of an insane old man. But this is not so ; it is the 
careful production of all the dignitaries of the Church, and 
it has an intense and terrible meaning. Its whole aim and 
meaning is an attempt to secure the ancient claim of the 
Romaa Pontiffs, the right to supreme power over all the 
temporal and spiritual affiiirs of men. If his claim is just, 
then, as God's Vicegerent on earth, " by him kings reign, 
and princes decree justice." 

Now observe the position it places a Roman Catholic in 
this country ; if he is a true Catholic then he must sus- 
tain and obey this letter ; but if he does this he cannot be 
a true and faithful citizen of this Government. The effort 
to do and be both will only be proof of hypocrisy. Every 
Catholic must either break with the holy father, or become 
an open, or a secret, enemy of free institutions. They 
will almost unanimously choose the last alternative and be- 
come secret enemies of our institutions. I do not mean to 
say that the mass of them will intentio7ially do this. But 
their prelates, holding absolute power over their conscience 
and judgment, will secretly yet carefully prepare them to 
support the extreme claims of the Papacy. The result of 
our struggle has secured the existence of a Government 
whose corner-stone may be said to be the principle of free- 
dom to worship God. And it has done much to thwart 
Papal encroachments. The Pope's desire to be in a con- 
dition to take every advantage of our supposed division 
may be seen from his letter addressed " to the illustrious 
President of the Confederate States." And I am very 
much afraid that there is deep significance in two facts : 
one is that Eomanists are so largely concerned in the work 
of assassination ; the other is, that though adherents of the 
Papacy have in some instances rendered noble service in 
our struggle, yet the great mass of the members of that 
church have been notoriously, intensely, /eroc/owsZ^ disloy- 
al. And these ignorant ones are the very men to exhibit 



23 

and obey tliG designs of the secret plotters, for they are 
just what their priests make them. All the world knows 
that the ignorant rank and file would have been as unani- 
mously and enthusiastically loyal, if their priests had given 
the word, as they are now unanimously disloyal. When 
from them we hear such bitter words of hostihty to the 
Government we may know that the loyal utterances of 
their priests are the words of hypocrites. I say not this of 
every priest ; but I say there is proof positive here that 
the ruling influence in that church is hostile to our Gov- 
ernment, and is only restrained from openly showing this 
emnity by wholesome fear and crafty policy. 

Let us be awake to this subject, and be watchful for 
every secret or open effort to put in force the doctrines of 
this letter. We may hope and pray that this last desperate 
effort may prove the fatal blow to the Man of Sin. Nearly 
all students of prophecy concur in the opinion that next 
year is to be one of grand events. And those events have 
relation to the great struggle and destruction of the Papal 
power. But under all circumstances let us stand fast by 
the grand principles of our Government, and of our Bible, 
and thus " stand in our lot at the last day." 

4. Another result of our vast expenditure and sufferings : 
they have given us a homogeneous country. We had a 
country of vast extent, and almost exhaustless productions. 
We had the products of nearly every clime within our own 
limits, and opportunities for every branch of human indus- 
try. And all the varied interests thereby resulting, com- 
bining in a government where each should yield something 
to the common defence, presented a spectacle of many in 
one, and one for many, such as the world had never seen. 
There was but one jar in this gigantic but harmonious sys- 
tem, that is but one jar that threatened to destroy the sys- 
tem. There might be some jarring between various inter- 
ests ; but in all such jarring there was nothing which would 



24 

not eventually tend to strengthen and establish the system. 
The great jar was occasioned by the question, not of the 
condition of the colored race, but, "shall capital own labor , 
or, shall labor be free ?" 

Between these two principles there could not be harmo- 
ny. And it was, perhaps, not so much the fault of men, 
as the nature of the principles that produced discord. Our 
wisest men, both North and South, have long seen that 
this country could not always exist in this condition. One 
or the other of these principles must finally prevail over 
the continent. And doubtless it was well that slavery 
drew the sword and challenged its antagonistic principle to 
mortal combat ; — well that it said to free labor, "you or I 
must die." Had it been less violent, and followed up its in- 
sidious advantages, then there was great danger that, with 
a united front in its friends, and the aid of weak-backed 
moralists, fair-weather Christians and dough-faced politi- 
cians at the North, it would have succeeded in ruling this 
continent. There is abundant evidence that this was the 
ambitious view of the rebel leaders. But their grand and 
fatal mistake was in challensrino; the nation to mortal com- 
bat. It was not we that sought the fight ; God, in his 
Providence, placed us where the necessity was laid upon 
us. We said you may live in the house, but you shall not 
destroy the house. 

And then the two systems showed their nature and en- 
durance when closed in the death grapple. Slavery was 
stronger at first, and hurled proud defiance in discomfited 
Liberty's face. 

But after a certain point was j)assed the one grew weak- 
er, and the other grew stronger, until Liberty, rising in her 
slow but majestic strength, has hurled rebellion and slave- 
ry together from our land. Her vow is now recorded on 
high that no foot of slave shall pollute her fair land. No 
more shall her sons blush when, in foreign lands, the finger 



25 

of scorn is pointed at a land of freedom where millions 
are in slavery. No more shall her enemies taunt them 
that, while solemnly declaring that " all men are created 
free and equal," they are standing with one foot on the 
neck of a slave. Henceforth it is guaranteed to every man 
that if he is a loyal citizen, he shall have an equal right 
with all others to " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness." Henceforth every man shall control his own labor, 
and enjoy the fruits of his own industry. It will soon be 
part of the organic law of the land that " there shall be no 
involuntary servitude except for crime." But deeply 
grieved and ashamed am I, though only an adopted son, to 
be compelled to say that New- Jersey will live in history 
as a laggard in the grandest act of the present generation. 
No doubt before she has time to speak again it will be pro- 
claimed that the constitutional number of states has been 
secured, and the great amendment adopted. But let us 
hope that she will give her vote for free labor before South- 
Carolina. All that her true-hearted sons can do now, and 
she has many such, is to see to it that her record though 
late shall be right. 

But, my friends, in securing these grand results, we have 
no right to claim any superior wisdom, or special philan- 
thropy, or peculiar sympathy with those in bondage. We 
had neither. But God led us on, and enabled us to fight 
the battle that secures a land where labor is respectable. 
Whether to our shame or credit, it must be said that we 
waged this war, not from love to the slave, but to save our- 
selves from degradation — in other words, that we may hold 
up our heads as equal to any when following the plow or 
shoving the plane. So, while looking upon the course of 
the rebels, we say, " God overrules the wickedness of men 
to promote his own designs :" of ourselves we must say, 
" God sometimes uses the selfishness of men to secure the 
grandest results for the human race." We were simply 



26 

compelled to take up arms. But, iu justice we may say, 
once in the fight we began to see and hail from afar the 
grand results that are now bursting upon us, and that will 
be realized with amazing rapidity. Such results as these 
are well worth the price we have paid for them. 

And here allow me to put on record a thought or two 
upon a subject that will demand attention immediately. 
Silence will not keep it back, and silence or uncertain ut- 
terance is not becoming in a free and honest man. What 
I say is not for any other man or for any party ; but I say 
it for myself. It is this, that /ree lahor demands a free 
ballot. Nay more, free labor cannot be maintained without 
it. And let me say, God will speedily bring us to this only 
safe and consistent ground. The greatest danger, perhaps, 
is that party rivalry will bring us to this before the formerly 
oppressed race are prepared for such a right. But they 
soon will have that right. And why should they not ? 
Ask the Union soldier, escaping from the charnel-houses 
of the South, which is more worthy of this right, the black 
patriot who assisted and fed him at peril of lash and of 
death itself, or the vvhite rebel who pursued him with blood- 
hounds and entertained him with starvation. Ask his 
friends at home which is more worthy of this right, the black 
patriot, that sprang to arms to vindicate his own manhood 
and help us save our inheritance, or the rebel sympathizer 
in our midst, who, too craven to fly to the rescue of the 
cause he loved, sheltered himself beneath the protection of 
our Grovernment only to croak of ruin and woe. I say, my 
friends, whoever objects to giving such men the elective 
franchise, traitors have no right to object. 

And what shall be said in opposition ? Our j^eople are 
prejudiced against it ? Will any rational man make 
prejudice a basis of action ? If he does, let shame cover 
him. Grive prejudice to the winds and act as rational 
beiuo's. Let our course be guided bv right motives and 



27 

sound policy. You cannot argue with prejudice. But 
if you lay that aside we may discuss the subject. I can 
imagine but two objections that reasonable men would urge. 
One is that our people will never admit the colored race 
to equality with ourselves. Notice, then, that our Declara- 
tion of Independence demands equality for all men in nat- 
ural rights and before the law. No code of laws ever at- 
tempted, and none could ever succeed, to regulate social 
and intellectual equality. These must regulate them- 
selves. Every man has a right to admit to his society and 
exclude whomsoever he j)leases. 

But what is required of us by consistency and by justice 
is to make all true and law-abiding men equal before the 
law, and, in the rights of property, equal ia the duties and 
privileges of freemen. But this must also be said, mere 
assertion will never establish our claim to superiority. That 
claim may be founded merely on pride, and sustained only 
by centuries of educational advantages. It cannot be justly 
vindicated until centuries of equal advantages still show 
the black inferior to the white race. As it now stands the 
most degraded specimens of the white race make the most 
clamor about their superiority. And you can best judge 
of the nobleness of a man's nature by his willingness to al- 
low all men an equal chance with himself to make the most 
of life. 

Another objection : some may say that the late slaves 
are too ignorant to exercise this right. They might an- 
swer, " This is not our fault." And we cannot very con- 
sistently urge this who rush to thrust a ballot into the hand 
of every foreigner from every laud as soon as he puts his 
foot upon our shores. But, then, ignorant or not, this must 
be said for them, there is scarcely to be found in all this 
broad laud a heart beneath a sable skin that did not beat 
true to the flag of the Union ; yes, even though it was the 
flag that so long protected their oppressors. And then, ig- 



28 

ignorant or not, they have displayed a patience under wrong, 
a forbearance under provocation, a moderation in asking for 
justice, a faith in God, and a tenacity of hope for final de- 
liverance, that would have done high credit to any class 
claiming to be their superiors. 

But I cannot dwell here. I wish to say now these two 
things, if ever a people deserved to be free, and to enjoy 
the rights of freemen, these people have deserved it. I 
say this, having no sympathy with cracked- brained philan- 
thropists, who would demand for them special privileges. 
Let them be educated to know that the rights of freedom 
bring their duties, and as they know and will perform the 
duties let them have the rights. And this is the other re- 
mark, Grod will bring us to bestow these rights in due time. 
Mark the words, whether we live to see it or not, God will 
bring us to do it. And I doubt not most of us will live to 
see it. 

5. I Avill detain you to speak of but one more result we 
have secured by this costly war, and that is a country 
where there shall be no aristocracy but that of merit. Per- 
haps it is utterly impossible, in a world of imperfection, ab- 
solutely to realize this idea. But we hope to realize it as 
nearly as may be. There was but one class among us that 
claimed to monopolize all the chivalry, and to be the aris- 
tocracy of the land ; and that class has been utterly ex- 
tinguished — extinguished in infamy and derision. There is 
nothing more infamous in history than the conduct of this 
chivalry during this war, and there is nothing more ridicu- 
lous than the termination of its eftort to found a new Gov- 
ernment. The pink of chivalry, who began his career of 
treason with magniloquent boasting, and maintained it by 
unheard of atrocities, ended it in a farce. And if any are 
still disposed to magnify the petticoat hero they are wel- 
come to monopolize the enjoyment. But, we say, let all 
upstart aristocrats and their toadies pass together into ob- 



29 

livion. We desire to have, and we intend to have, a coun- 
try where a man shall be respected only for what he is and 
what he does. So flir as it can possibly be so arranged let 
the best occupy the chief seats. If there is an aristocracy 
at all let it be composed of those who stood, shoulder to 
shoulder, true to their country in the times of darkness and 
trial. But we claim no peculiar privileges. We do enjoy a 
peculiar satisfaction which we will carry to the grave. 
But we are willing to share the privileges of a country 
which we have saved from ruin, under the blessing of God, 
with all who accept the decrees of Providence quietly, and 
who will henceforth be true to our country. 

Well may we, then, bow before the throne of heavenly 
grace with mingled feelings of joy and sorrow. To a de- 
gree, perhaps, never known before, this is a day both of 
thanksgiving and of humiliation. We may well humble 
ourselves before God for the many sins that have brought 
upon us the deserved chastenings of the Almighty, for 
which God has been pleased to scourge us sorely. Well 
may we humble ourselves for the sins whose chastening has 
caused multitudes of our brothers to go down to the grave. 
Well may we drop the tear of sorrow over the untimely end 
of so many of the noble of the land. But we shall be grossly 
derelict in duty if we fail most devoutly to thank God 
that our sons and brothers have not died in vain. Their 
toils and their sacrifices were not wasted. But they have 
resulted in securing untold blessings to us, and to the gen- 
erations yet to come. Monuments to their memory shall 
dot our land. But their best and noblest monument is the 
country they died to save. While that country endures 
their memory shall be honored. And mankind will rise to 
do them honor while liberty has a refugee and a bulwark on 
the earth, and will give thanks to God that he raised up a 
generation to stand for the right in troublous times. 



LB S '12 



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